Instagram and the Popular Page
Instagram, a social media site that can be accessed both through the Internet or its mobile application, affords its users the ability to share pictures with others active on Instagram. For the purpose of this analysis, the mobile version of Instagram will be the focused platform of discussion. Users can communicate their thoughts about pictures through “likes” and comments. An individual can “like” a photo by double tapping the photo on their mobile screen or by pressing the “like” icon presented below each picture. Pictures that receive a high number of likes can be selected to appear on the popular page of the site. The popular page is a collection of photos chosen by their high quantity of attention on the site—through likes and comments—or a recently added feature, their geographical location in regards to the user. Using Ervin Goffman’s framework from The Presentation of Everyday Self, Danah Boyd’s “White Flight in Networked Publics,” and concepts of virtual identity, I will provide an in-depth description of the Instagram interface, along with support for the argument that Instagram sexualizes women by determining likes as popularity, and in turn, portraying promiscuous images of thin, Caucasian women to be considered the visual depiction of popularity and femininity.
Goffman (1956) describes a front to be the standardized expressive equipment that people use to define situations in a generalized and fixed way. Within this front, there are subcategories— appearance, setting, and manner. In the case of this analysis, the appearance and manner of the Instagram interface allows for a thick description of the application. Starting from the beginning appearance, the Instagram icon is represented as a camera with the words “Insta” apparent on the top left side. When clicking on the icon, the screen opens up to what is represented as the users news feed. Along the bottom of the screen, there are five different icons that take a user to five different pages within the medium. The news feed setting is represented through a picture of a house, depicting this page as the home screen. Here, collections of photos posted by individuals that the user follows are shown in the order when they were posted—most recent to least recent. Followers consist of individuals who wish to see another’s posted content, and are approved to do so. For example, if a user follows a friend’s Instagram account, the user will now have access to each post that friend makes and the posts will show up in the users newsfeed as well. While any individual has access and can follow public Instagram accounts, if a user’s account is private, that user has to approve or disapprove each follow request. Each post is structured in the same layout: the poster’s name and icon picture in the top left corner, the photo underneath, and a “like” and “comment” icon below the photo. Users can interact with the photos through “liking” the photo by either double tapping on the photo itself or tapping the icon. The number of individuals who have liked the photo are shown through numerical form below the picture. The number of likes on a photo may reflect the popularity of the poster or the quality of the picture, depending on the user’s outlook on the application. Similarly, the amount of followers an individual has may also reflect the number of likes they receive on their posts. If an Instagram account has an abundant amount of followers, that user is most likely going to receive more attention and in turn, likes, on their posts compared to a user with minimal followers who therefore, has less attention drawn to their posts.
The next icon on the Instagram interface is depicted through a star icon. Tapping this icon takes the user to a page titled “Explore,” and more commonly referred to as the “popular page.” Through this aspect of the interface, users can search for other Instagram users and lookup photos through hashtags. Hashtags are words or phrases posted in picture captions or comments, using the pound (#) symbol before them. By hashtagging a word or phrase, such language becomes searchable throughout Instagram and other users can view posts containing that hashtag. Below the search box is an array of photos, featuring both unknown individuals along with individuals that one may follow or are in a geographically close location to the user. Pictures that are displayed here are most commonly those of which received a high quantity of likes and attention from Instagram users. For example, while photos with minimal numbers of likes from other Instagram users rarely appear in the popular page, photos with hundreds and even thousands of likes from Instagram users constantly fill up the page. Such photos featured on the popular page and receiving the high number of “likes” are commonly photographs featuring women in sexual poses or revealing clothing.
A screenshot of this particular interface is exemplified below, showing the collection of photos featured on the page at a random time. The individual picture featured alongside the screenshot exemplifies the feminine objectivity and sexualization of specific photos posted on Instagram, and the high number of “likes” such photos receives. Although not all photos featured on this page at the specific time the screenshot was taken show females or even sexually explicit poses, it is important to note the ratio of pictures of women to men—only one image includes a male, and that male is standing alongside a female—and the poses and scenarios present. This specific screenshot of the popular page exemplifies the portrayal of the female body through different angle shots, clothing, and activities that in turn label the actions as what is considered popular and suggests to users a skewed perception of what being both popular and feminine looks like—being a thin, fit, and Caucasian woman.
As the popular page emphasizes provocative images of Caucasian females, and in turn labeling such images and individuals as “popular” and “feminine” to other users, the idea of whiteness is highlighted. There appears to be a clear racial separation within the popular page nterface of Instagram, whether intentional or not. Such patterns relate to Danah Boyd’s reading, “White Flight in Networked Publics,” as Instagram is reflective of a networked public possibly segregated by race (2012). Within Boyd’s argument, she addresses how throughout time, individuals’ engagement with technology reveals social and racial divisions (2012). Many social networking spaces become divided by race and culture, as people grow accustomed to the sites that their friends are active on (Boyd, 2012). Just as physical spaces, social media sites reflect a reproduction of social categories that exist in schools and public spaces (Boyd, 2012). The whiteness displayed within the popular page of Instagram may be reflective of a white movement within the application, as other races have not yet completely adapted to the particular interface. When analyzing the screenshot of the Instagram popular page feed, out of the nine photos of individuals, all are pictured with at least one Caucasian female—there is only one photo displaying an African American female, who is standing beside a Caucasian female. As Boyd discusses in her writing, different social networks are considered “socially acceptable” within different groups, so not all segments of people are exposed to the same effects (2012). The reoccurring sexualized images of Caucasian females throughout Instagram may be reflective of a digital white flight towards Instagram itself, and therefore, this group is more accustomed and conforming to the sexualization of images posted on Instagram. Since social networks, such as Instagram, are organized by identity and social categories, Caucasian females appear to be victims of the identity formed through Instagram’s culture, and have become dominant images throughout the application itself.
Goffman would look at such displayed images as actors conforming to their role, in the world of Instagram as a whole. Through his writing, he stresses the overall concept of belief in playing your part as constituting a front (Goffman, 1956). He explains that in one degree, a performer sincerely feels that whatever they’re doing represents true reality; on the other hand, a performer has no belief at all that their actions stand for anything real (Goffman, 1956). Converting such concepts to the interface of Instagram, all users of Instagram are putting on a front every time they post a photo. Users manipulate their photos in order to portray what they believe to be the ultimate version of themselves, and hand-select what aspects of their life they want to expose to others. This specific front that users are exposing to the public can be linked to a manipulation of appearance. Such manipulation can be exemplified through the aspect of the interface that allows for editing of pictures before they’re posted. When Instagram users choose to post a picture, before proceeding to the posting, Instagram automatically takes users to an interface of the application titled “Filters.” Here, a user can choose from an array of filters that automatically edit the image, as well as allowing the user to personally edit the picture themselves through adjusting the brightness, contrast, angles, warmth, saturation, and sharpness of the photo. The automatic nature of the editing interface, as a step before being able to actually post the picture, further stresses Instagram’s overall message of sharing the “best” version of a picture—in other words, editing a picture in order to constantly enhance yourself or the image at hand. Although the act of filtering and editing pictures does not directly reflect the sexualization and objectivity of woman, the interface embedded in Instagram only enforces the idea of changing the way an image looks in order to meet a mold of what photos should look like—and meeting such standards can result in an appearance on the popular page, mimicking the images that are currently there.
Since likes represent popularity and overall acceptance via the
Instagram interface, users attempt to conceal specific aspects of their
lives and in turn, only show exhibit their best self on Instagram. Popular
activities relating to Instagram consist of users attempting to gain more
followers and like others’ posts so that those users will consistently add
to their own popularity on Instagram as well. Constantly, users will follow
unknown users simply in hopes of gaining a new follower in return, and
comment phrases such as “follow for follow” or “like or like” on pictures
—suggesting that if the user follows or likes their post, they will do the
same in return (exemplified in the screenshot on the previous page).
Additionally, users will ask others with more followers to give them a
“shoutout,” which can be seen in the previous screenshot, where a user
tells others to follow a specific user to increase their following. Goffman
would view such actions as users idealizing their lives, and attempting to
appear popular through their superficial number of followers and likes
(1956). Goffman describes the concept of idealization as performers
offering observers impressions idealized in different ways through
social interaction, concealing personal lives and idealizing lives, and showing
others only the polished product (1956). Additionally, Goffman views
idealization as exaggerating relations to others, giving the impression
to others that they deserve preferential attention and overall concealing
actions inconsistent with standards (1956). Aspects consistent with
Goffman’s descriptions of idealization are exhibited on a daily basis
through the performers, or users, active on Instagram. Users attempt to
create an online persona of popularity, as they only portray the finished
product of their posts—what they believe will receive the most likes
on the site. By securing a high number of loyal followers and “likers,” along
with posting images consistent with those that would receive these rates
of attention, users construct a specific Instagram persona. The previous
screenshot reveals the obsession with popularity on Instagram, as users
reach out to others asking them to follow and like their pictures in order to
appear popular and worthy of the popular page.
Such concepts additionally relate to Goffman’s idea of misrepresentation, which he describes as people’s concern about impressions and the ways that the process of creating certain impressions can be disrupted through misrepresentation (1956). Individuals on Instagram constantly misrepresent themselves in the content that they post, in order to obtain the most attention on the site. The overall idea of the popular page allows users to be shaped by what content receives the most attention, and in turn, may misrepresent themselves based off of the images presented. Similarly, an individual’s popularity may be continuously misrepresented on Instagram, as users go to great length to obtain more followers and attention to their posts. Therefore, a user’s high number of likes on their photos may not directly reflect their popularity, but simply the content that they are posting in order to fit the mold that Instagram has shaped—such as sexualized images—along with the way they interact with others on the site.
Goffman’s outline of maintenance can also be applied here, which reflects consistency and the idea that performers are more conscious to the own standards that are applied (1956). Additionally, Goffman discusses the difference between our impulsive selves versus our culturally acceptable selves (1956). What users portray on Instagram may be direct consequences of their impulsive selves—as they post content in hopes of a specific reaction, boost in confidence, or likes. In everyday life, the content posted on Instagram may not be something that is socially acceptable, or how users would even act outside the interfaces of Instagram. The sexualized images and poses that gain high number of likes and attention on the popular page, and in turn encourage others to perform in similar ways, may be exhibited by a wide range of personalities—not all that would openly act in such ways in public. Instagram enforces a specific maintenance of its users, as they uphold a specific persona through the site in order to gain attention, yet may act completely differently outside the application.
The construction of users on Instagram is reflective of their
virtual identities, which may differ from their real selves in order to
gain attention through Instagram. Since Instagram enforces a specific
look in order to be rewarded with recognition, many Instagram users
may sexualize themselves in hopes of fitting the “popular” and “feminine”
mold. As displayed in the screenshot, many users view the popular page
as a true accomplishment and “work” hard on their virtual identities in order
to achieve that right of passage. When making it to the popular page on
Instagram, users respond by thanking their followers as if they have become
newfound celebrities. The responses from others in regards to the acceptance
onto the popular page further enforces the importance that Instagram
emphasizes within this interface, and how in order to “make it,” one must create
a strong virtual identity for themselves—one that is in line with what is considered
popular and feminine in their terms. Throughthe textbook New Media:
A Critical Introduction, Martin Lister, Jon Dovey, Seth Giddings, Iain
Grant and Kieran Kelly discuss the ideas surrounding virtual identity (2009).
The writing explains that media technologies can be seen as implicated in
a shifting sense of identity in various ways, one of which is the construction
of identity in cyberspace and virtual worlds (Lister, Dovey, Giddings, Grant
& Kelly, 2009). Similarly, the authors claim, “virtual reality and cyberspace
are undermining (our understanding of) the real, within which we have
constructed our identities” (Lister et al., 2009, p. 270). The personas formed
within Instagram cloud the judgment of users, as they may not directly fit with
the identity that they have created outside of the interface. Regardless of the
compatibility of the real versus online identity, individuals do in fact construct
a new online reality, which is a reflection of the norms within their online communications. For Instagram, the norms of the online community
are the sexual nature and provocative poses displayed by Caucasian women, which result in high numbers of likes and appearances on the popular page for all to admire what popularity and femininity looks like—according to the application’s standards. Within social networks such as Instagram, the authors describe how much of the excitement around such networks is the possibility for users to present and perform alternative identities, and ultimately play around with their online selves (Lister et al., 2009). In turn, although the users of Instagram may not be sexualizing themselves and mimicking Instagram’s skewed version of femininity in everyday life, they are offered the opportunity to alter their identity in order to gain attention through Instagram, and are guided by the images present on the popular page.
The Instagram interface encourages its users to alter physical appearances to present one’s “best” self, and offers an idealized perception of such through its popular page. As more and more individuals join Instagram, the site continues to sexualize Caucasian women as presenting their petite and clothing-less bodies as the content that is considered popular, and the depiction of a feminine woman. Although popular pages differ for each user based on particular interests and accounts, the display of provocative women appears to be a common theme throughout users feeds—regardless of what other photos cloud the rest of their page. By drawing significant attention to these sexualized images by users around the world, individuals feel the pressure to conform to and accept such ideals in order to achieve a particular status. As Instagram determines the number of likes a photo gets as how popular the image is, the attention grabbing photos of women are highlighted throughout various platforms. The nature of Instagram’s popular page deems dangerous for society as it shapes minds of the depictions of popularity and femininity, while encouraging others to strive for such in order to gain similar recognition.
References
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Boyd, D. (2012). White flight in networked publics? How race and class shaped American teen
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Chow-White, Eds.) New York, NY: Routledge.
Lister, M., Dovey, J., Giddings, S., Grant, I., & Kelly, K. (2009). New media in everyday life. In
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Goffman, E. (1956). Performances. In The presentation of self in everyday life (pp. 10-46).
Edinburgh, Scotland, United Kingdom: Social Science Research Centre, University of
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Instagram comments page (screenshot). (2014, February 4). Retrieved November 6, 2014,
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